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- The Secretary of State signalled the new approach in a keynote speech at the annual British-Irish Association Conference in Oxfordshire
By Hilary Benn
It is a privilege for me to be here, for the first time since my appointment as Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. I’ve only ever been to one other BIA conference, that was two years ago when I was a late substitute for my good friend Peter Kyle. I suspect it was my work as chair of the Brexit Select Committee that made him think of me. And over many years Dominic, you and I have shared many views about the choices the then-Conservative government made about our departure from the European Union, and the consequences of that decision still reverberate – and will continue to do so.
It was William Faulkner who once said: “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.”
But what a remarkable history the British-Irish Association (BIA) has borne witness to, over these past 52 years, as this truly unique annual conference has continued to provide an opportunity for a very wide range of people to come together and reflect on the ties that bind our two countries together. Two countries that share so much… history, culture, ideas, politics and friendships.
And it’s a story that runs like a thread through these islands and through the lives of so many of our families, including my own: on my side, it was an Ulster Scot from Fermanagh who made that journey that millions made across the Atlantic to Ohio which is where my mother came and, on my wife’s side, Irish Catholics from Cork, Mayo and Kilkenny including her grandfather who was born in your constituency. Now the history of these islands has not been benign. Over the centuries there have been terrible wrongs, great violence, revolution, bitterness but in recent years – reconciliation. And throughout all that time that thread has remained in place, and it has found new expression in ways that would truly have seemed unimaginable to us in the past.
I must be frank, The Good Friday Agreement was something I never believed that I would see in my lifetime. But I did. We did. It ushered in an end to three decades of bloody violence, and its founding commitment was to self-determination and the principle of consent. Unionists and Nationalists, sitting side by side in government. As you said Micheál, the seemingly impossible made possible. And what happened on that Good Friday 26 years ago was, and remains, an inspiration to many around the world, precisely because it was a triumph of political courage and patient diplomacy over bitter sectarian fatalism. And of compromise over intransigence.
Mo Mowlam’s words during the negotiations still resonate today. She said: “Everybody is going to get something. No one is going to get 100% of what they want. That is the nature of negotiation and accommodation.” And all of those involved chose to do that in order to get something far more valuable. Today the UK and Irish Governments stand on the shoulders of those who negotiated the Agreement. We are the co-guarantors of it and all of us in these islands are its custodians.
The Good Friday Agreement, and the peace and prosperity it has brought to Northern Ireland, is in my view the greatest achievement of the last Labour Government which I had the privilege to serve. So let me be absolutely clear. This labour government’s commitment to the Good Friday Agreement – in letter and in spirit – is absolute.
Our support for the European Convention on Human Rights, which underpins the Agreement, is unwavering. We will implement the Windsor Framework with pragmatic good faith, not least because we need to do so in order to negotiate a veterinary agreement with the European Union, but also in order to protect the open border on the island of Ireland.
The prime minister and the Taoiseach have agreed to hold annual summits as part of a renewed commitment to the strand three institutions. And the prime minister and I – indeed the whole government – will work with all parties and all communities in Northern Ireland to support reconciliation, equality, respect for human rights and parity of esteem.
Now, the stability of Northern Ireland’s devolved government – a government that can work for all the people of Northern Ireland – is absolutely fundamental to making these things happen. And I want to pay a warm and genuine tribute to the first and deputy first ministers – to you Emma and to Michelle – and indeed to the whole executive, for the positive start that you have made, the impression you have created and I warmly welcome the draft programme for government that was announced this week. The executive now has the foundation provided by that programme. It has a needs-based funding formula that was agreed with the previous government, and we are committed to putting in place a longer-term fiscal framework. But like every government, difficult decisions need to be taken about how to balance the books and raise additional revenue, not least because there are deep-seated deep-seated challenges that Northern Ireland faces.
You highlighted one of those Emma yesterday in your wonderful contribution, the economic inactivity rate which is 27 percent of the working-age population which is 5% higher than the UK as a whole. The longest health service waiting lists in the UK, a third of patients waiting more than two years for treatment. And only 47 percent of A&E waits meeting the 4-hour target.
I think all of us agree that can’t really continue. That is why we are absolutely committed as the government to working with the Executive as it seeks to transform Northern Ireland’s public services. It is also incumbent upon all of us to uphold the devolved institutions, to ensure they endure and that they act for all the people in Northern Ireland. Now, I recognise that mandatory coalition is really difficult, imagine those of us with different political persuasions were having to cope with mandatory coalition in Westminster. But we all know that for over a third of the time since 1998, the institutions have not functioned fully. I don’t think this would be accepted anywhere else.
My feeling is surely the people of Northern Ireland and the political parties and all of us must recognise that what’s happened in the past cannot happen again and were it to occur, our two governments as co-guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement, working with all the parties, would need to find a new way forward.
Turning to the economy, we should clearly look at the opportunities for the UK and Irish governments to work collaboratively on projects to help improve growth in Northern Ireland including in its border regions. And, while being strong supporters of the Union, this government and this secretary of state see no contradiction in also being supporters of North-South cooperation. And in that context, I applaud you Micheál for your work in developing and taking forward the Shared Island Programme which you referred to and the Fund, which makes a valuable contribution in so many ways. And when it comes to the all-island economy, and I know this is up for some debate, my feelings are very simple, it is a fact it is a success.
And I don’t quite understand why there should be an argument about somehow denying its existence when so many businesses and livelihoods are sustained by it: the all-island dairy industry, big multinationals, like Lidl, McDonalds, Coca-Cola and so many small and medium-sized businesses which operate on an all-island basis.
On the Windsor Framework, let me be absolutely frank. There have been some very painful moments in the UK-Ireland relationship in recent years. I bear too many scars from the approach of the previous UK government to our departure from the European Union, but this government will ensure the smooth flow of goods within the UK internal market.
So, as I have said, we will implement the Windsor Framework in good faith while seeking the maximum pragmatism and proportionality. It is not without its challenges – I think that is probably the understatement of the year – but it is necessary because we do want to do more to improve our trading relationship with the EU, in particular to negotiate a sanitary and phyto-sanitary agreement with the European Union which really would help. I think everybody knows that. And, with a sustained period of stability, political and economic, the opportunities are enormous, not least because of the talent, ingenuity and enterprise that exists right across Northern Ireland, and the unique trading position that Northern Ireland enjoys – what a wonderful opportunity for foreign direct investment – all within the UK internal market.
As I have travelled around Northern Ireland, both in opposition and now in government and seen some of the world-class businesses operating in life sciences, high-tech engineering, making composite aircraft wings and the buses of the future – electric and hydrogen – services and film and television, education – I am struck that all these firms have seen something in Northern Ireland and its people. With continued political stability and optimism – and I’m the third speaker at the forum who will say I am an optimist. It is the only way, I don’t know how you can get up if you are not an optimist. We can help others to see the same thing and so encourage them also to invest in Northern Ireland’s future. Now, the other rift in the relationship in recent years has been over of course how we approach the terrible legacy of the Troubles.
I have met many families who lost loved ones in the most appalling circumstances. I have to be honest with you. I have found it very difficult to listen to their stories. To look them in the eye. To hear about the sheer brutality of the killings. The way some of them were treated afterwards. The search for answers, and the passing of the years without finding them.
The abandonment by the previous Conservative government of the Stormont House Agreement, and the unilateral approach taken in the Legacy Act, were wrong. From my first visit to the Wave Trauma Centre, and that had a profound impact on me, many of those families have told me about the deep hurt and upset and anger it has caused them. And it was legislation of course that was rejected by all of the Northern Ireland political parties and by the Irish Government.
It could never be the basis for reconciliation or progress on legacy. And that is why the prime minister and I committed to repeal and replace the Legacy Act. Now as you know earlier this year its central provision – the conditional immunity scheme – was ruled by the High Court in Belfast to be incompatible with the European Convention on Human Rights.
In July, we wrote to the Northern Ireland Court of Appeal to withdraw the previous UK government’s appeal on ECHR grounds. I also set out to parliament our commitment to reverse the Legacy Act’s ban on bringing civil litigation, to propose measures to allow – in the first instance – halted legacy inquests to continue, and to strengthen the Independent Commission on Reconciliation and Information Recovery.
That body, which is being ably led by Sir Declan Morgan, was deemed by the court to be capable of conducting human rights-compliant investigations. It was an important – and often overlooked – finding. But I believe that measures to strengthen the Commission, we talked about these yesterday, when we met, are also necessary, and I am committed to working with you on this. Because there is more we can do to address concerns about the Commission’s independence. To strengthen its powers. And to ensure there is the capacity for effective cooperation with the Gardaí over investigations.
This is the work we have now begun – but its success in the end, all of this legislation will be judged by those families many of us have met, who have waited so long for answers.
So we are now undertaking a period of consultation with victims and survivors, the Northern Ireland political parties, the Irish Government, veterans and others in seeking to find a practical way forward that can command support, the broadest support across communities in Northern Ireland and beyond.
I recognise, I am not naïve, that this process will involve difficult conversations, and many stakeholders do, and will hold different views about the best way forward. But it is also clear that a resolution to addressing the legacy of Northern Ireland’s painful past will not be reached without a willingness, by all, to listen, to understand the perspectives of others, and in the spirit of Mo Mowlam’s wise words to compromise.
I also want to acknowledge the dedicated service of the vast majority of police officers, members of the armed forces, and the security services who did so much during the Troubles to keep people in Northern Ireland safe. Also, the work of the Police Service of Northern Ireland for their continuing efforts to do the same for communities right across Northern Ireland. The scenes we saw last month in Belfast, in Derry/Londonderry and in many other parts of the UK, were shocking, there’s no other word for it and we must stand resolutely against senseless violence, intimidation and – let’s be blunt – racism.
I visited three business owners who had been attacked on that terrible day. I saw the Café that was burnt out. Three people that come to Northern Ireland to make their lives, to make it their home specifically targeted because of who they were. The prime minister and I had the opportunity three weeks ago to convey our thanks directly to some of the officers of the PSNI who were injured when standing up to that violence, when we visited the PSNI training college in Belfast. It was a great honour to be able to do so.
The similarities with the scenes we saw in Dublin last year are hard to ignore. The willingness of far-right thugs and online agitators to whip up hatred and spread misinformation online pose a shared threat, but I know it is a threat which I know our two governments, with the executive, will continue to face down together. There are other areas in which the UK and Irish governments can do more. Not only because it is in our mutual economic interest, but in these febrile and uncertain times, we have shared values, and a shared commitment to democracy and the rule of law.
And given our geography, and the ties of friendship and kinship that bind us, look at the opportunities. Just to take one example, energy infrastructure, cooperation on energy resilience, climate – where are both blessed with huge potential for more renewable wind power – and investment in Northern Ireland by GB Energy, which in turn will support the Shared Electricity Market. And given increasingly uncertain geopolitics of the world, and I agree with every word you said about the threat to the international order which created out of the actions of the Second World War and which has stood us in reasonable good stead is being undermined by people and political forces, it also makes sense to collaborate further on security. The UK has a range of world-class capability and we will continue to work with Ireland as we together grapple with threats like cyber security, terrorism, organised crime and the threats posed by Russia and other states to the security of our nations.
On a much happier note, the UK-Ireland Euros in 2028 will allow us to celebrate our nations working together to put a once-in-a-generation footballing spectacle before a worldwide audience, although I must admit that at 05:00 pm precisely this evening that co-operation will temporarily be suspended as Ireland take on England at the Aviva stadium.
So, in conclusion, there is a lot for us to do. Northern Ireland stands at a crossroads. And the sense I get is that the vast majority of people just want to move forward to embrace a better future.
So, let us be bold, let us get on with it and let us take inspiration from those who did – make the impossible possible 26 years ago.
