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World Trade and Tech Day to explore policies to make AI work for inclusive trade

GENEVA, Switzerland – The World Trade Organization (WTO) will host the first World Trade and Tech Day on 14 September at its headquarters in Geneva, bringing together trade and information and communications technology (ICT) policymakers, industry leaders and other stakeholders to discuss how artificial intelligence (AI) strategies can better support economies’ efforts to maximise the gains of international trade.

Held under the theme “AI and Trade: Turning Potential into Progress”, the event will examine practical ways to harness AI’s economic benefits. Particular attention will be given to the policy, regulatory and economic considerations associated with the adoption of AI, including its implications for trade, development and international cooperation.

According to the WTO’s World Trade Report 2025, AI could increase global GDP by 13 percent and global trade by up to 37 percent by 2040 if issues such as uneven AI adoption, labour market disruptions and unequal distribution of benefits can be addressed. Discussions will focus on how governments can capture the projected gains while addressing these challenges.

The programme includes a welcoming address by director-general Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, a ministerial dialogue on why AI is a trade policy issue, a fireside chat with private-sector leaders, and a keynote address from a high-level executive. Several panel discussions will examine AI’s role in reducing trade costs, supporting developing economies’ participation in the AI value chain, enabling digital trade through services, promoting innovation through intellectual property, and exploring the role of standards. The event will also feature an exhibition and a pitching session showcasing case studies of AI in trade.

A $6 billion opportunity

By Caribbean Export Development Agency

BRIDGETOWN, Barbados – For decades, the Caribbean has operated under a quiet crisis: it simply cannot feed itself.

Across CARIFORUM member states, food imports account for up to 90 percent of all calories consumed. That translates to a staggering $6 billion leaving regional economies every single year to pay foreign suppliers. Add in Category 5 hurricanes and unpredictable climate shifts, and the region’s food supply chains are perpetually one bad storm away from total disruption.

Yet, where policymakers once saw an intractable dilemma, institutional investors are beginning to spot a massive total addressable market. CARICOM’s mandate to slash regional food imports by 25 percent unlocks an immediate $1.5 billion revenue window for local producers. Unlocking that opportunity will require capital, partnerships and stronger connections between viable regional projects and investors, precisely the kind of connections the Caribbean Investment Forum (CIF) 2026 is designed to facilitate.

The hurdle has never been demand. It has been scale.

Historically, fragmented island markets were simply too small for global development finance institutions (DFIs) to write meaningful cheques. A unified regional approach directly solves this challenge. Regional leaders are presenting structured, multi-country deals that make solving food insecurity one of the most compelling growth plays in emerging markets today.

But are island states innovating at the rate needed to meet this investment interest? The answer is yes! 

From high-tech urban AgTech in land-scarce islands to massive regional livestock breeding hubs in Guyana, pioneering projects across the Caribbean are proving that localised technology can capture this market share at commercial scale.

From indoor vertical farming in Barbados

In land-scarce SIDS where traditional open-field crops are constantly threatened by severe weather and water shortages, Barbados launched its very first commercial-scale indoor vertical farm.  

The technology uses precision LED lighting spectra, automated nutrient dosing and closed-loop hydroponics to grow high-value greens inside a hurricane-proof, biosecure facility.

It produces 30 times the yield per square foot of traditional farmland while slashing water usage by 95 percent. Operating completely insulated from climate shocks, it delivers a steady, year-round harvest that directly displaces expensive, air-freighted imports for luxury resorts and local supermarkets.

To livestock breeding hubs in Guyana

While small island states face geographic constraints, mainland South American CARICOM member Guyana possesses vast, fertile arable land. The Guyana Livestock Development Authority continues to find innovative ways to expand livestock production and reduce reliance on importation.

Among these has been the use of advanced reproductive biotechnology like artificial insemination and embryo transfer on Blackbelly sheep. The goal? To make Guyana the leading producer of mutton in the Caribbean.

By scaling up to become the primary exporter of live breeding stock and high-grade meat across the region, this project targets the millions of dollars currently leaving the Caribbean each year for extra-regional frozen mutton imports.

And that’s just the tip of the iceberg!

The success of standalone initiatives in Barbados and Guyana demonstrates that technical solutions exist and are commercially viable. However, scaling these models across all 15 CARIFORUM countries requires an integrated financial architecture.

“Building long-term resilience means moving past the limits of our individual domestic markets,” notes Dr Damie Sinanan, executive director of Caribbean Export. “By uniting as a single Caribbean, we create the critical mass and market size required to pull in transformational global capital. Modernising our agricultural infrastructure demands serious investment, but the business case couldn’t be stronger for turning climate risk into unprecedented opportunities for private-sector expansion, high-value jobs and regional trade.”

The Caribbean Investment Forum (CIF) serves as this critical bridge. Designed as the premier regional platform for trade and investment, CIF is structured to accelerate agribusiness transformation by aligning regional projects with the strategic goals of DFIs, private equity firms, and institutional impact investors.

Achieving regional food security across the Caribbean is both a critical economic imperative and a high-yield opportunity for impact capital. We invite institutional partners, DFIs and private capital leaders to engage with the Caribbean Investment Forum to catalyse the future of Caribbean agribusiness.

Money on the table: Why better budget planning is key to fixing the water crisis

By Saroj Kumar Jha, Arturo Herrera Gutierrez, and Kaushiki Singh

Water underpins good health, food production, and the energy that powers businesses. It also supports an estimated 1.7 billion jobs worldwide. Yet the world is massively off-track on Sustainable Development Goal 6, which aims to ensure clean water and sanitation for all by 2030. The water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) financing gap demanding dramatically higher public investments. And even the money governments do allocate for water routinely goes unspent.

The Paradox: A spending gap within a financing gap

The World Bank Group’s 2024 report, Funding a Water-Secure Future, documents that water sector budget execution averaged only 72 percent between 2009 and 2020, meaning roughly 28 cents of every allocated dollar is never spent. Sub-Saharan Africa averages around 62 percent. In other words, countries are failing to close the financing gap while also leaving allocated money on the table. The cost is borne by people still without reliable access to clean water.

Why does the money stay on the table? 

The reasons are often institutional. A water infrastructure project does not fail because governments do not care. It fails because the sector lacks institutions that can translate long-term targets to an implementable and time-bound set of actions. Project preparation is rushed. Procurement requires sign-offs from multiple agencies that do not coordinate.

By the time land is acquired, environmental clearances secured, and procurement approvals completed, little time remains in the fiscal year to deliver projects. Unspent funds return to the treasury, delaying investments in water infrastructure. This is not unique to one particular country, but a systemic challenge many countries face in translating public investment into results.

A budget allocation is not a plan but a promise. Unless backed by a well-sequenced, multi-year program —one that works through land, design, procurement, and construction in deliberate order —the money will keep sitting on the table.

Where PFM and PIM come in — and why water forward depends on them 

The World Bank Group’s Water Forward initiative recognises that mobilising more resources is only half the battle. The other half is ensuring governments can use what they have. This is where Public Financial Management (PFM) and Public Investment Management (PIM) become critical. PFM governs how governments plan, allocate, and spend public money; PIM is about how they select, prepare, and implement public investment projects. When these systems are weak — for example, they have no medium-term expenditure plan, no project pipeline, no alignment between sector goals and annual budgets — even a well-funded water ministry will struggle to convert allocations into infrastructure. Upstream PFM functions play a vital role in downstream execution in the water sector. Using the Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability (PEFA) framework, budget reliability along with policy-based fiscal strategy and budgeting emerge as the two dimensions most strongly associated with water-sector budget execution, with policy-based fiscal strategy and budgeting showing the stronger relationship.

Water spending is capital-intensive with long project cycles. What matters most is whether budgets were realistically planned. Countries that embed water spending in coherent multi-year frameworks and align budgets with sector strategies consistently show higher execution rates.

More money alone is not enough; without strategic planning architecture, spending simply does not materialise. Strengthening governance, institutional coordination, and policy coherence in the water sector is therefore essential to improving budget execution.

Water underpins good health, food production, and the energy that powers businesses. It also supports an estimated 1.7 billion jobs worldwide. Yet the world is massively off-track on Sustainable Development Goal 6, which aims to ensure clean water and sanitation for all by 2030. The water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) financing gap demanding dramatically higher public investments. And even the money governments do allocate for water routinely goes unspent.

The Paradox: A spending gap within a financing gap

The World Bank Group’s 2024 report, Funding a Water-Secure Future, documents that water sector budget execution averaged only 72 percent between 2009 and 2020, meaning roughly 28 cents of every allocated dollar is never spent. Sub-Saharan Africa averages around 62 percent. In other words, countries are failing to close the financing gap while also leaving allocated money on the table. The cost is borne by people still without reliable access to clean water.

Why does the money stay on the table? 

The reasons are often institutional. A water infrastructure project does not fail because governments do not care. It fails because the sector lacks institutions that can translate long-term targets to an implementable and time-bound set of actions. Project preparation is rushed. Procurement requires sign-offs from multiple agencies that do not coordinate.

By the time land is acquired, environmental clearances secured, and procurement approvals completed, little time remains in the fiscal year to deliver projects. Unspent funds return to the treasury, delaying investments in water infrastructure. This is not unique to one particular country, but a systemic challenge many countries face in translating public investment into results.

A budget allocation is not a plan but a promise. Unless backed by a well-sequenced, multi-year program —one that works through land, design, procurement, and construction in deliberate order —the money will keep sitting on the table.

Where PFM and PIM Come In — and why water forward depends on them 

The World Bank Group’s Water Forward initiative recognises that mobilising more resources is only half the battle. The other half is ensuring governments can use what they have. This is where Public Financial Management (PFM) and Public Investment Management (PIM) become critical. PFM governs how governments plan, allocate, and spend public money; PIM is about how they select, prepare, and implement public investment projects. When these systems are weak — for example, they have no medium-term expenditure plan, no project pipeline, no alignment between sector goals and annual budgets — even a well-funded water ministry will struggle to convert allocations into infrastructure. Upstream PFM functions play a vital role in downstream execution in the water sector. Using the Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability (PEFA) framework, budget reliability along with policy-based fiscal strategy and budgeting emerge as the two dimensions most strongly associated with water-sector budget execution, with policy-based fiscal strategy and budgeting showing the stronger relationship.

Water spending is capital-intensive with long project cycles. What matters most is whether budgets were realistically planned. Countries that embed water spending in coherent multi-year frameworks and align budgets with sector strategies consistently show higher execution rates.

More money alone is not enough; without strategic planning architecture, spending simply does not materialise. Strengthening governance, institutional coordination, and policy coherence in the water sector is therefore essential to improving budget execution.

The reform imperative

While mobilising more financing remains important, the more immediate and overlooked imperative is making existing budgets executable. Closing the water financing gap starts with strengthening the systems that turn allocations into projects and projects into results. That means investing in medium-term planning, building credible project pipelines, preparing investments before funds are allocated, and strengthening the institutions that connect sector priorities to public spending. Countries that can align budgets with long-term sector strategies are far more likely to translate commitments into infrastructure and services.

This is also where Water Forward can help shift the conversation from financing to delivery. Through country-led Water Compacts, governments, development partners, and investors can align around a shared reform and investment agenda, bringing policy reform, institutional strengthening, investment planning, and financing into a single framework. By improving project preparation, coordination, and the link between water sector priorities and public investment decisions, this approach can help ensure that scarce resources are not only budgeted but actually spent.

More financing matters, but better prepared, better sequenced, and better governed spending is what turns allocations into services people can count on. The money is often there. The challenge is building systems that can put it to work.

The (re)emergence of the (internal) slave trade

By Patricia Viseur Sellers

What results when international criminal law’s pre-eminent institution, the International Criminal Court, hesitantly recognises the breadth of slavery crimes and, most detrimentally, ignores explicit redress for the crime of the slave trade? The answer is impunity.

Moreover, national criminal codes rarely contain provisions for the slave trade. The Netherlands and Lichtenstein are among the European exceptions. The United Kingdom recognised offence does not contain a provision expressly criminalising the slave trade. What has caused the erasure? One word: trafficking. Trafficking in persons, a national crime, at times with cross-border crimes, has diverted legal attention and redress from the contemporary commission of the international crimes of slavery and the slave trade.

Trafficking is a transnational crime found in many national penal codes. Trafficking is often placed under a non-legal term of Modern Slavery. Trafficking presents a legal and, I would argue, a psychological quandary. Trafficking Conventions were drafted first in the early 20th century – in 1904 and 1910. These international instruments were originally called the ‘White Slavery Conventions’, precisely because they applied to white women and girls who were transported across international boarders, actually slave traded, for morally illicit, sexual purposes. The protection offered by the conventions later expanded to all women and all children, in the 1920s and the 1950s trafficking conventions. Today, safeguards against trafficking in persons are contained in the Palermo Protocol to the United Nations Convention on Organized Crime, which entered into force in 2003 and that relies upon state policing and inter-state cooperation, as does the United Kingdom’s Anti-Slavery Act. Neither explicitly prohibits the slave trade as intended under international law.

Conflation and confusion exist between the international crimes of the slave trade and slavery, and the transnational crime of trafficking in persons. The origins and the intended purposes of the Trafficking Conventions and the Slavery Convention differ, starkly. Trafficking focuses on the coercive reduction of a person to a form of exploitation. A trafficker can claim the consent of an adult victim as a defence against the crime. Slavery and the slave trade abstain from any requirements of force, abuse or deception of exploitation. Unlike trafficking, no requirements of exploitation must occur either during the slave trade or when reduced to slavery. Also, the slave trade or slavery does not differentiate between the age of victims or accede any relevance to consent. Most importantly, slavery crimes are peremptory norms, with no statute of limitation under international law.

This legal prioritisation creates a false hierarchy of trafficking over slavery and, more pointedly, over the slave trade. Emphasis by states and advocates on trafficking has caused the erasure of the application of the slave trade under international law and thwarted their placement in national criminal codes. The obliteration is detrimental to contemporary situations of enslavement.

I would not hesitate to suggest that ‘slave trade’ are weighted words to pronounce, much less to enumerate in national and international penal codes. The term ‘trafficking’ removes the history of African-diasporic slavery, removes the remembrance of any actions of the state, and points the finger at actors of organised crimes. Trafficking terminology seemingly confirms the severance from past international wrongful acts. Trafficking, while reaching and redressing horrendous conduct – such as occurred in Britain last month (September 2025) – is not a substitute for the prohibitions of the international crimes of slavery or the slave trade. Our psyche retreats, and our muted legal codes and statutes have rendered the slave trade in desuetude.

Notwithstanding, the international crime of the slave trade is re-emerging.

Sierra Leone, supported cross-regionally by many Latin American, African and Caribbean countries, has proposed to the Assembly of State Parties, the governing body of the International Criminal Court, to amend the Rome Statute. The proposed amendment would enumerate provisions for the slave trade as a crime against humanity under Article 7 of the Rome Statute. It would also amend slavery and the slave trade as war crimes, into Article 8 of the Rome Statute. In December 2026, the Assembly of State Parties will vote upon what is now seen as a non-contentious amendment. The United Kingdom, as an Assembly State Party, as of now, has not signalled its support for the amendment. There is advocacy to be done.

Still, the re-emergence of slavery crimes continues. In 2024, as the Special Advisor for Slavery Crimes, I had the honour to develop the Slavery Crimes Policy for the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. It was the first time that an international judicial institution’s prosecution body examined slavery crimes under international law, as contained in its mandate. The Policy acknowledges that there existed institutions, practices and customs of enslavement and the slave trade throughout time and throughout the world. The Policy holds, as a principle, that an incomplete acknowledgement of how slavery and the slave trade operated historically hinders the identification of their contemporary manifestations. Accordingly, the Policy sets forth a practical skills-based investigative approach and offers relevant legal resources and analyses to lawyers aimed at identifying probative evidence of slavery crimes. The pleading of enslavement and sexual slavery charges – and hopefully, soon, slavery and the slave trade charges – before the International Criminal Court merits the concerted attention of a Policy, because contemporary victims and survivors merit redress. The Slavery Crimes Policy is available on the International Criminal Court’s home page.

Lastly, the re-emergence of slavery crimes under international law is exemplified by the General Assembly of the United Nations’ intention to draft a crimes against humanity treaty. The United Nations’ International Law Commission delivered a draft of the treaty to the General Assembly’s Sixth Committee that did not include a provision for the slave trade within crimes against humanity.

Sierra Leone, again, proposed that the slave trade be enumerated in the new treaty. Sierra Leone is joined by other United Nation states, called the Group of Friends, and by a large coalition of civil society. The re-emergence of the slave trade is gaining momentum. The United Kingdom, to date, has not signalled its support for the provision of the slave trade in the new crimes against humanity treaty. There is advocacy yet to be done to restore the prohibition of the slave trade to its rightful place under international law.

This evening, I conclude by urging remembrance and recognition of the slave trade, especially the internal slave trade. I urge that we, as descendants of the historic institutions of slavery and slave trading, stand in solidarity with today’s child soldiers, the women and girls enslaved in forced marriages, enslaved mine workers, enslaved domestic workers, the migrants who are enslaved and slave traded across the deserts of Northern Africa, and the Yazidi population, enslaved and slave traded by the Da’esh militias.

The International Criminal Court and the forthcoming United Nations Crimes Against Humanity Treaty must mandate redress for slave trade and slavery. They represent the blackest of black letter law, permeated by the black blood of Africans and their descendants.

Patricia Viseur Sellers, Law Faculty, University of Oxford, UK.

[This is an excerpt from the Memorial 2007 lecture delivered at Senate House, University of London, on 2 October 2025 and shared with The Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs and Policy Studies.]

Caribbean Social Insurance Systems: When Parametric reforms are not enough

 – Caribbean social insurance systems need reforms that go beyond pension parameters to strengthen administration, governance, and investment management.

By Carolina Gonzalez Velosa, Juan Miguel Villa Lora, Manuel García Huitrón

Main highlights

  • Population aging, emigration, and exposure to economic and climate shocks are placing growing pressure on Caribbean social insurance systems.
  • Several schemes risk depleting their reserves in the coming decades, while high administrative costs and limited investment diversification persist.
  • Strengthening compliance, funding rules, oversight, and transparency is essential to protect current and future generations.

Social insurance systems in the Caribbean were built around a simple promise: workers contribute during their working years and receive protection in old age, disability, or after the death of a family provider. That promise remains essential. However, the economic and demographic conditions that once sustained these systems have changed profoundly, and traditional policy responses may no longer be sufficient.

In a recent Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) publication, Long-Term Social Insurance in the Caribbean: Beyond Parametric Reforms, we examine the full range of challenges facing these systems and propose a comprehensive reform agenda that extends well beyond traditional parametric reforms—changes to the core parameters of pension systems, such as increasing contribution rates, raising retirement ages, or modifying benefit formulas. The agenda also includes proposals to strengthen governance, administration, and investment management, recognizing that long-term sustainability depends not only on policy design but also on institutional performance.

Multiple challenges, one urgent agenda

Caribbean pension systems face a combination of pressures that few other regions must navigate simultaneously. Population aging is reducing the ratio of active contributors to retirees. High emigration rates are further shrinking the contributing labor force. Moreover, economic dependence on tourism and agriculture leaves contribution revenues exposed to external shocks and climate-related disasters. And small population sizes mean that administrative costs are spread across relatively few contributors, making systems more expensive to operate and harder to modernise.

These pressures matter because many systems already face a structural imbalance: contribution revenues are insufficient to sustain promised benefits over the long term. As a result, several systems are increasingly relying on accumulated reserves to meet their obligations, placing them on a path toward eventual depletion. According to current projections, The national insurance schemes of The Bahamas, Trinidad and Tobago, and Belize are expected to exhaust their reserves by 2028, 2034, and 2042, respectively, with several other Caribbean schemes projected to follow before mid-century.

What has changed and what has not

Governments in the region have not been passive. Several countries have adjusted parameters, by raising contribution rates, increasing the retirement age, or adjusting how benefits are calculated. However, these reforms, while necessary, can only go so far. Their effectiveness rests on something parametric reforms alone cannot guarantee: the ability to implement and enforce them effectively.

A higher contribution rate yields little if the system cannot collect what is owed. A longer working life adds modest reserves if records are too patchy to credit the additional years. A more conservative benefit formula loses legitimacy if retirees cannot verify how their pensions were calculated.

For this reason, reform agendas must extend beyond parametric measures and address how social insurance systems operate in practice. Strengthening implementation, administration, governance, and investment management is essential not only for improving system performance but also to build the credibility needed to sustain reform efforts over time.

Workers are unlikely to support higher contributions or later retirement ages if institutions are perceived as inefficient, opaque, or poorly governed. By improving service delivery, transparency, and stewardship of resources, governments can strengthen public trust and create the conditions for broader reforms to succeed.

The operational gaps that persist despite Parametric Reform

The publication proposes a broader reform agenda that extends beyond pension parameters alone. Recommendations are grounded in a diagnostic that builds on actuarial reviews, financial statements, and a questionnaire applied to eight Caribbean social insurance institutions.

The analysis follows the full operational chain, from registration and contribution collection to investment and benefit payment, and identifies significant opportunities for improvement in two areas that build on each other overtime.

The first finding concerns administrative efficiency

Administrative expenditure varies significantly across Caribbean social insurance institutions. In Jamaica administrative cost represents around 5 percent of contribution income; in Belize and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines it exceeds 15 percent; in The Bahamas it reaches nearly 21percent. By comparison, well-managed pension schemes in larger economies typically operate at a small fraction of these ratios. Every dollar spent on administration is a dollar that does not reach retirees and does not earn returns within the fund. Over 20 or 30 years, these differences accumulate into a significant share of total reserves.

The second finding concerns how reserves are invested

Most schemes hold their reserves primarily in domestic government bonds and bank deposits. This reflects the narrowness of Caribbean capital markets, but it also means that pension reserves carry the same fiscal risks as the rest of the public balance sheet. The answer is not to send reserves offshore in search of higher returns. It is to manage them against what the scheme will need to pay out: clear targets, clear risk limits, and regular public reporting on whether reserves are earning compared with what pensions will require.

Four priorities for sustainable systems

Based on the diagnostic above, the report presents recommendations that reflect the diverse realities across the Caribbean. No two countries will follow the same path. Reserve levels, institutional capacity, legal constraints, and political conditions differ across countries. The sequencing, however, is common to all: strengthen the basic operations of the system first, then introduce more complex regional or structural instruments once the core can support them. The report organizes that sequencing around four priorities:

Administration and compliance

Upgrade digital registries, clean historical records, automate contribution posting, and target compliance efforts at the highest-risk cases. Where possible, social insurance records should be linked to national identification and tax systems, so that the same worker is recognised across registries. Bringing self-employed and informal workers into coverage starts with the basic machinery of inclusion: simple registration process, accessible payment channels, and procedures adapted to irregular incomes.

Funding and reserves under transparent rules

Each scheme should adopt a public funding policy that monitors reserve performance against expected pension obligations, with clear warning thresholds and predefined responses when those thresholds are breached. Regular actuarial reviews, published assumptions, and a small set of solvency indicators can help move reform out of crisis mode and into a process of planned, gradual adjustment.

Investment management against pension obligations

Reserves should be managed actively against the long-term obligations they are intended to finance. Clear targets, clear risk limits, and transparent public reporting on returns allow contributors and governments to assess, over time, whether investments are performing as intended.

Governance, oversight, and disclosure

Boards and executives need clear lines of responsibility, qualified leadership, an independent oversight function, and regular public reporting. A simple dashboard covering reserves, contribution income, benefit expenditure, and investment performance would allow contributors, supervisors, and governments to notice problems before they become more serious. Regional supervisors can also share tools and standards, particularly in countries where technical teams are too small to build the full apparatus on their own.

These foundations open the way to a second set of instruments that are more difficult to use effectively without them. These include:

  • Automatic adjustment mechanisms that predefine how parameters respond when finances weaken;
  • Regional cooperation that lets small schemes share scale and specialised expertise;
  • Where appropriate, complementary retirement-income instruments such as a Caribbean Retirement Income Bond or longevity-sharing accounts.

These measures belong later in the sequence, once the basic operations of the system are in place.

Caribbean pension reform requires institutional discipline and politically difficult parametric change in equal measure. Contribution rates, retirement ages, and benefit formulas will remain central to public debate, and they should. But their impact and their legitimacy depend on whether schemes can collect contributions efficiently, keep reliable records, manage reserves professionally, and report financial risks transparently.

The challenge ahead is to adapt and strengthen these systems so they can continue to provide effective protection for future generations.

  • Read the full report here to get the complete diagnostic and the country-level reform pathways

Five new African countries advance circular economy roadmaps

  • With support from the African Development Bank

 AFRICA – The Africa Circular Economy Facility, a multi-donor trust fund administered by the African Development Bank Group, is expanding its reach to five additional nations, supporting the creation and implementation of national circular economy roadmaps and continuing to work with three countries. This second cohort enhances a program that continues to demonstrate how the integration of circularity into public policy, can drive economic transformation.

As part of this second phase of the National Roadmaps for the Circular Economy (NCER) program, Angola, Liberia, Madagascar, and Senegal will develop their own roadmaps by identifying priority sectors, aligning institutional efforts, and tailoring strategic guidelines to their local productive structures. Meanwhile, Benin, Chad, Ethiopia, and Mauritius, are entering the implementation phase to translate government frameworks into actionable policies, funded programs, and sustainable institutional capacities.

“The continent faces an annual development financing gap of more than $400 billion. Roadmaps for the circular economy can help countries strengthen their domestic productive capacities and turn their priorities into investment opportunities,” said Anthony Nyong, director of the climate change and green growth department at the African Development Bank Group.

A vast portion of Africa’s natural resources continues to be exported unprocessed, hindering industrialisation and limiting local job creation. The circular economy directly mitigates this structural loss of value by retaining resources and their productive potential within national economies.

Focused on value creation and community opportunities, this approach aligns seamlessly with the African Development Bank Group’s Four Cardinal Points strategic vision and the New African Financial Architecture for Development (NAFAD), seeking to mobilise more African capital, strengthen the continent’s financial markets, and finance large-scale transformation to promote employment, business growth, and local value creation.

The four countries in the first cohort- Benin, Cameroon, Chad, and Ethiopia have already demonstrated the potential of this approach. Their respective roadmaps successfully identified priority sectors, most notably in construction, forestry, agriculture, plastics, textiles, manufacturing, energy, and water management.

In Chad, the roadmap aims to create more than 25,000 green jobs and reduce non-recycled waste by 40 percent by 2035, across six priority sectors. “Far from being a luxury, this initiative is a vital necessity for Chad’s future. It paves the way for us to diversify an economy that is still heavily dependent on oil,” said Chad’s minister of the environment, Hassan Bakhit Djamous.

In Benin, the Circular Economy Action Plan, launched in February 2026, sets ambitious 10-year goals: to achieve a 25 percent recycling rate, ensure the collection of all municipal waste, and establish 300 circular economy businesses.

Roadmaps serve as structural frameworks for investment. They allow stakeholders to pinpoint the sectors where circular solutions create the most value, organise the actions necessary for deployment, and define the governance mechanisms essential to their sustainability.

Through the Africa Circular Economy Facility, which also finances the African Circular Economy Alliance, the bank group provides the technical assistance needed to establish an enabling policy and institutional environment. The goal is to move Africa’s circular economy transformation from ambition to action.

Strengthening democracy, human rights, and multilateralism – ECLAC

    • The Sixth Session of the Regional Conference on Population and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean concluded in Montevideo. The session was organised by ECLAC in coordination with UNFPA.

SANTIAGO, Chile – The member states of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), which participated in the Sixth Session of the Regional Conference on Population and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean, acknowledged on 20 August, 2026, that in order to take on the challenges of demographic change, it is necessary to strengthen democracy, human rights, and multilateralism, emphasizing the importance of promoting alliances at all levels and innovative approaches that combine private initiative and multi-actor cooperation.

Among the Conference’s resolutions, the countries reaffirmed that the Montevideo consensus on population and development is a comprehensive roadmap for national and regional action in this matter and called for reinforcing compliance with its priority measures through the execution of specific actions, appropriate allocation of resources, and the creation and strengthening of institutional mechanisms for its implementation and monitoring.

They also acknowledged that transformations in demographic dynamics, in a context of persistent poverty and structural inequalities in the economic, social, and territorial spheres, will have repercussions on all aspects of society, such as labor markets, health systems and social protection, care systems, education, and the fiscal sustainability of social policies. It is therefore necessary to bear these changes in mind when financing the design and implementation of public policies that promote the population’s human rights within a framework of sustainable development.

The main intergovernmental forum for monitoring and reviewing issues related to population and development in the region brought together delegates from 29 member and associated member states of ECLAC, as well as representatives from 12 entities in the United Nations system. They were joined by participants from intergovernmental organisations, parliaments in the region, academia, the private sector, and nearly 400 members of civil society. Nearly 800 people participated in total.

The Conference was created in 2012 by ECLAC, which serves as the Secretariat, in coordination with the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).

The closing session included the participation of Luis Fidel Yáñez, secretary of the Commission at ECLAC; Héctor Hugo González Coltrinari, deputy regional director of the UNFPA Office for Latin America and the Caribbean; and Rodrigo Arim, director of the office of planning and budget of Uruguay, the country serving as chair of the regional conference on population and development in Latin America and the Caribbean.

“It is clear that the demographic changes our region is experiencing today are not a terrible fate. The drop in fertility, population ageing, care crisis, transformation of households, human mobility: all of this is, in fact, a historic opportunity. The opportunity to restructure our development models toward sustainability, toward inclusion, toward gender equality. This Conference was a space in which to think collectively about that opportunity,” the secretary of the Commission at ECLAC affirmed.

For his part, the deputy regional director of the UNFPA emphasised that “our task as we go back to our countries is clear: to contribute to transforming consensuses into concrete policy, strategies into allocated budgets, and commitments into the transformation of lives that face multiple and intersectional discrimination. This also means strengthening the institutions for population and development in our region so they will have the capacity to call on different sectors and translate demographic transformation into concrete and sustainable responses,” he said.

Director Rodrigo Arim, in turn, recalled that 13 years ago in Montevideo, the foundation was laid for a new regional agenda on population and development.

“The Montevideo Consensus marked a turning point in the region by placing human rights, equality, dignity, autonomy, and the wellbeing of people at the center of public policy and translating those principles into concrete commitments throughout people’s lifespans. Thirteen years later, in this same place, we renew that commitment. We are not here to replace that agenda but rather to reaffirm and update it in order to hold firm to those principles and, at the same time, put them into dialogue with a region that has changed profoundly,” he asserted.

In the final resolutions, the delegates reaffirmed their commitment to achieving gender equality, as well as to combating racism and the inequalities that affect Afrodescendent, Indigenous, and migrant people, and emphasized the importance of continuing the work of inclusion of disabled people’s rights.

They likewise recognized homeless people as an especially vulnerable population group that faces multiple and interrelated forms of discrimination and barriers.

The presiding officers of the regional conference on population and development for the next two years will have Uruguay as chair, along with the Plurinational State of Bolivia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Guatemala, Guyana, Jamaica, and Mexico as vice-chairs.

DR Congo Ebola outbreak spreading exponentially, UN responders warn

Key points

  • Ebola deaths reach 2,516 in DRC
  • Response funding could run out within weeks
  • Dozens of frontline healthcare workers among dead

By Daniel Johnson

GENEVA, Switzerland – As the deadliest Ebola outbreak in DR Congo’s history continued spreading on Friday, UN responders renewed their urgent appeal for immediate international support, with existing funding for lifesaving work critically low.

We’re only covered for the next weeks, and very soon funding will run out,” said Julien Harneis, UN Senior Ebola Coordinator. “Every delay in funding and implementation makes this epidemic more deadly, more difficult to stop and more expensive. So, we need that international support immediately.”

Since the outbreak was declared on 15 May, 5,290 people have been infected 2,516 have died, according to latest health authority data published on Friday.

Of the total confirmed number of cases, 1,152 people have recovered and nearly 840 people remain in isolation or hospitalised. The fatality rate is 47.6 per cent and contact follow-up is 82.9 percent.

Deadly progression

Briefing journalists from the Ebola epicentre in Bunia, Ituri province, Mr. Harneis warned that the disease is “growing exponentially”, with half of all deaths occurring in just the last 20 days.

The epidemic is spreading to an area that is bigger than France. And the outbreak is growing faster and wider than the Ebola response,” he stressed, as “brutal” operating conditions continue to impede the progress of frontline workers.

Three months into the outbreak, 160 healthcare workers have contracted Ebola and 43 of them have died. “And then when we do respond, apart from the threat from the virus, healthcare workers and frontline workers have been attacked by youths, ambulances have been burned and stoned and the healthcare facilities have been attacked,” Harneis explained.

“Conditions on the ground are extremely difficult, but we will continue deploying all the humanitarian and medical assistance needed until the job is done,” the veteran aid official said.

“Last week, I was trying to get into an Ebola hotspot, and it took three hours to drive 60 kilometres (37 miles),” he added.

Another key obstacle to the response is the lack of basic social services in the six eastern, provinces where the virus is spreading (Ituri, North Kivu, South Kivu, Haut-Uélé, Tshopo, and Bas-Uélé), a direct result of decades of violence in the resource-rich area.

Gaps in government-run, coordinated healthcare services and a limited number of banks have created further problems.

“In this area, the banking system barely functions,” Harneis explained. “We’re unable to bring in the amount of money that is required to pay the workers, which has led to great unhappiness amongst frontline workers.”

US aid boost

And although the United States has contributed $80 million to the DRC government to boost bed capacity and safe burial practices, among other support, cuts to aid work – especially in the last two years – have reduced the capacity of humanitarian organisations by more than 30 percent, he added.

Despite these challenges, multiple specialist UN agencies continue to work alongside the DRC authorities to push back Ebola. They include the World Health Organization, the World Food Programme, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the UN migration agency (IOM) and partners including Médecins Sans Frontières.

“It’s a disease, it’s an invisible threat which comes into your community and suddenly people start falling sick around you and your loved ones die,” Harneis said. “And that generates a lot of fear in any community.”

Colombia becomes first country to submit its second Biennial Transparency Report

BOGOTA, Colombia – Colombia has become the first country to submit its second Biennial Transparency Report (BTR2) under the Paris Agreement’s Enhanced Transparency Framework (ETF), marking an important milestone for the transparency system that underpins global climate action.

Submitted well ahead of the 31 December 2026 deadline, Colombia’s BTR2 was filed on 8 August 2026, alongside its fourth National Communication under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. It covers the country’s national inventory of greenhouse gas emissions and removals; progress towards its nationally determined contribution (NDC); mitigation policies and measures; climate impacts and adaptation; support needed and received in the areas of finance, technology transfer and capacity-building; Action for Climate Empowerment; and research and systematic observation.

The submission demonstrates that the ETF is working as intended. Countries are steadily strengthening their reporting capacity and national transparency arrangements. The data collected can then be used to sharpen climate policy, direct support where it is most needed, and accelerate the implementation of mitigation and adaptation actions.

Colombia’s BTR2 builds on its first report while incorporating methodological improvements and stronger approaches to tracking progress. It shows how successive reporting cycles can improve both national systems and the information available to decision-makers.

Transparency is a cornerstone of the Paris Agreement. It builds trust among countries, helps show whether commitments are being delivered, and provides the evidence needed to strengthen ambition and accelerate action. Each report makes the collective picture clearer and helps countries make better-informed decisions. This is especially important as Parties prepare to launch the second global stocktake at COP31.

UN Climate Change encourages all Parties to sustain this momentum. Parties at all stages of the reporting process are encouraged to continue advancing their BTR preparations and submissions, helping to sustain momentum and support the biennial reporting cycle. Parties that have already submitted a first BTR are encouraged to submit their second by the end of 2026.

UN Climate Change remains ready to support Parties in implementing the ETF. This includes providing technical assistance and capacity-building for developing countries that require additional support.

  • More information is available here

Ed Miliband outlined his priorities following his appointment as foreign secretary

LONDON, England – It is a great honour and privilege to have been appointed by prime minister Andy Burnham, to serve as foreign secretary, Ed Miliband outlined in a Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO) statement:

My parents came to Britain as Jewish refugees from the Nazis. To them, Britain was both a sanctuary and a beacon of hope in the global fight against fascism. I will carry my parents’ faith in that spirit of Britain to my role representing our country.

I will be a foreign secretary who fights for Britain’s interests and our values of democracy, freedom and the rule of law on the world stage.

Today, as we face a time of greater instability and threat to international law and democracy than at any time since the Second World War, these values are more important than ever.

From Russia’s illegal war in Ukraine to conflict in the Middle East, time and again we have seen the consequences of a more dangerous world in the cost-of-living crisis that families and businesses face.

For Britain, that means we must work with others to defend the principles that we cherish, because it is in our national interest to do so, building on the excellent work of my predecessors and friends, Yvette Cooper and David Lammy.

I will seek to deepen and strengthen our strategic alliance with the European Union, which is so important for our prosperity and security and at the same time nurture our strong, enduring and essential alliance with the United States. I will uphold our commitment to multilateral institutions from NATO to the UN as well as working with global partners, particularly in the Global South.

Pursuing our interests and values means continuing to stand shoulder to shoulder with the people of Ukraine against Russia’s illegal invasion, as Britain has done for the last four years. It means playing our part to seek to end the conflict in Iran and fully reopen the Strait of Hormuz. It must also mean working tirelessly to seek a sustainable peace in Palestine and Israel, including an end to the terrible suffering of the people of Gaza and security for the people of Israel.

The FCDO I lead will also be at the forefront of issues which pose profound and substantial threats to justice and equality in Britain and across the world. We will work with others on tackling the climate crisis, strengthening our partnerships for international development, and reforming our international institutions so they deliver for all countries, including the world’s poorest people.

FCDO is a great British institution filled with talented, expert, and committed staff who do crucial consular work for our country and have reach across the world. I look forward to working with Britain’s world-class network of embassies, diplomats, civil servants, businesses, and cultural organisations to represent and promote the interests and values of our great country.

APEC deepens disaster preparedness as risks grow across region

    • 19th Senior Disaster Management Officials’ Forum

SINGAPORE – Weeks after Typhoon Dolphin brought record rainfall and flooding across parts of China, a powerful earthquake claimed lives and displaced thousands in Indonesia and torrential rains triggered flooding and landslides across parts of Korea, senior disaster management officials from APEC economies and leading international organisations are meeting in Dalian to strengthen regional cooperation on disaster preparedness and resilience.

The 19th APEC senior disaster management officials’ forum is putting a policy-heavy agenda at the center of that effort, spanning early warning systems, disaster risk financing, artificial intelligence, data governance, anticipatory action and community preparedness.

Experts from the United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNDRR), World Meteorological Organization (WMO), Asian Disaster Preparedness Center (ADPC) and International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) joined officials from APEC economies earlier this week, reflecting the increasingly cross-border and multidisciplinary nature of disaster risk management.

The discussions focus not only on responding faster when emergencies occur, but on building systems capable of identifying risks earlier, converting information into action and reducing impacts before they escalate.

“Disaster management cooperation is an indispensable pillar in building a resilient Asia-Pacific community,” said Xu Jia’ai, vice minister of China’s ministry of emergency management, calling for greater investment in early warning technology and deeper integration of artificial intelligence, big data, satellite remote sensing and the Internet of Things into disaster preparedness.

The first major policy track examines how economies can strengthen multi-hazard early warning systems from end to end, from risk monitoring and forecasting to information dissemination, institutional coordination and emergency response.

UNDRR brought the wider global disaster risk reduction policy agenda into the discussion, while WMO focused on regional efforts to expand early warning coverage. Economies also examined how ex-ante investment, financing frameworks and stronger decision-support systems can help authorities act before hazards translate into major economic and human losses.

The challenge is becoming more urgent as extreme weather patterns change. Zhang Zuqiang, vice administrator of the China Meteorological Administration, noted that northern China has experienced around 50 percent more heavy rainfall events on average over the past five years compared with the 1990s.

“Only through multilateral cooperation, complementary strengths and coordinated prevention and response can we address regional and systemic climate disaster risks,” Zhang said.

A second policy track turns to how artificial intelligence and emerging technologies can strengthen risk-informed emergency management.

Discussions include the use of AI in disaster management, satellite remote sensing and geographic information systems, alongside the less visible but equally important challenges surrounding data governance, institutional capacity and the ability of economies to turn technological advances into practical emergency-management tools.

ADPC is contributing experience on anticipatory action and how risk information can support earlier decisions, reinforcing a central theme of the forum: better forecasts matter most when institutions are equipped to act on them.

The final major track shifts attention from systems and technology to the people and institutions that ultimately carry out preparedness and response.

With insights from the IFRC, economies are examining whole-of-society approaches to disaster risk reduction, including stronger coordination between governments, humanitarian organizations, communities and the private sector.

The discussions also address local capacity building, emergency supply systems and the participation of women and young people, recognising that resilience depends not only on national systems but on whether communities can prepare, respond and recover effectively.

Together, the sessions reflect a broader shift in disaster management across the region, from responding to individual emergencies toward managing risk across the full cycle of prevention, preparedness, response and recovery.

The forum builds on cooperation through APEC’s Emergency Preparedness Working Group as economies work to strengthen regional resilience and turn policy, technology and partnerships into practical protection for communities across the Asia-Pacific.

Support the Troops: Bring them home!

By Ron Paul

Last week we heard that US sailors and Marines aboard the USS Abraham Lincoln and other ships in the Middle East were being fed food that, from photos that surfaced in the media, looked worse than what you would feed a dog. Parents and spouses of service members risked disciplinary action against their loved ones to highlight to the US Navy Secretary and to the media the revolting conditions aboard the carrier, which has been at sea with no port of call for a record period of time.

Stories of broken toilets, filth, and mold everywhere were reported in the media last week. One troubling story in the Guardian claimed that multiple sailors aboard the Lincoln have attempted suicide due to the unbearable conditions aboard the carrier.

The Trump administration’s response speaks volumes about its claim to “support the troops.” Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth immediately brushed off concerns about conditions aboard the Abraham Lincoln as “fake news.” He didn’t utter a word of concern for the troops he so enjoys being photographed working out with. He didn’t order a thorough review of the conditions on the ship. He didn’t promise to get to the bottom of things. He didn’t express any concern for the troops. He just said reports were “fake news.”

President Trump responded to the allegations even more callously than Hegseth. When a reporter told him that family members are concerned about conditions aboard the Abraham Lincoln, president Trump said, “no they’re not.” When asked whether the carrier’s record eight-month deployment was too long, he responded, “no no no, not nearly long enough.”

I am sure the parents and spouses of the sailors aboard the Lincoln would disagree.

By the end of last week, we learned at least some of the reasons for the lack of decent food for the troops. According to a report in the New York Times, on the first day of the US attack on Iran, Iran responded by nearly destroying the US Naval base in Bahrain. That base, the (former) home of the US 5th Fleet, had been a major logistics hub for the US in the region and was critical for re-supply of fresh food for the service members on board. With Bahrain no longer capable of functioning as a major US base, the fallback was a US facility on the tiny island of Diego Garcia, more than 2,000 miles away.

There is a bigger lesson here than lack of planning for Trump’s war of choice on Iran. Our Constitution – the supreme law of the land – only allows the United States to go to war if the war is approved beforehand by “the people’s branch” of government, the US Congress. There is a reason for this. Unless under direct attack, the use of the military must be subject to a thorough public debate. It was never meant to ride on the whim of a President. Given the opportunity, the executive is much more likely to take the country to war for reasons not related to defending our country. That is the chief reason we broke with King George in the first place.

As I always said on the campaign trail, the best way to support the troops is to bring them home. Never has that message been clearer than today.

Guyana drives regional food production

GEORGETOWN, Guyana, (DPI) – Guyana is positioning its agricultural sector as a regional production and investment hub, leveraging its land, freshwater resources, expanding infrastructure and strategic access to CARICOM and northern Brazil to strengthen food security across the Caribbean.

Investment is being channelled into key areas including corn and soy production, livestock, aquaculture, large-scale farming, agro-processing, cold storage, logistics, packaging and value-added food production.

The focus is increasingly shifting away from the export of primary commodities, with Guyana seeking to attract investors to establish processing and other value-added operations locally.

This approach is expected to create greater productive capacity, expand employment and retain more of the value generated within the country.

According to chief investment officer of the Guyana Office for Investment, Peter Ramsaroop, during an interview with the Department of Information (DPI), this presents opportunities for CARICOM businesses through joint ventures, contract farming, processing facilities, regional distribution networks and technology partnerships.

“The investment proposition is straightforward: produce in Guyana, add value in Guyana and use Guyana as a platform to supply the Caribbean,” Ramsaroop urged.

CARICOM investment currently accounts for approximately five percent of recorded investment activity in Guyana, with notable participation from Suriname and Trinidad and Tobago, as well as investments from Barbados in services and other Caribbean markets.

However, the broader objective is to deepen regional economic integration by creating supply chains that connect Caribbean capital and expertise with Guyana’s agricultural resources and access to South American markets.

As Guyana expands its agricultural production and processing capacity, the country is seeking to become more than a supplier of raw commodities, positioning itself as a regional platform where production, processing, storage, and distribution converge to support CARICOM’s food-security objectives.

The strategy ultimately seeks to transform investment into sustained regional food security while creating new opportunities for Caribbean businesses to participate in Guyana’s expanding productive economy.

US sanctions Cuban regime actors associated with Marxist subversive networks and corrupt economic dealings

USA / CUBA – The Cuban regime has long sponsored a vast subversive network in the United States aimed at identifying, cultivating, and radicalising subversives, largely operating under the pretext of educational or cultural exchange, according to US Department of State.

“Just days ago, the regime attempted to use Communist kingpin and despot Fidel Castro’s 100th birthday to reinvigorate this subversive network, ferrying a new brigade of international sympathisers to Havana to network with regime officials. The Trump administration will not stand by while a hostile foreign power seeks to exploit our freedoms—none of which are afforded to its people—by misleading and corrupting American citizens with lies, spy tradecraft, and other malfeasance as part of the regime’s raison d’être of exporting Marxism, racial resentment, and Communist violence across the world.”

Pursuant to President Trump’s Executive Order (E.O.) 14404 of May 1, 2026:

“Imposing Sanctions on Those Responsible for Repression in Cuba and for Threats to United States National Security and Foreign Policy,” [today], I am designating three leaders of the sanctioned Cuban Institute of Friendship with the Peoples (ICAP), including ICAP president Fernando González Llort.  Llort, a convicted Cuban spy who served 15 years in US prison for his role in the infamous Wasp Network — a massive illegal Cuban spy ring uncovered in Florida in the late 1990s – has continued his efforts to destabilise the United States following his return to Cuba through his involvement with ICAP.  ICAP was previously designated under E.O. 14404 for being a political subdivision, agency, or instrumentality of the government of Cuba. It hosts international brigades at facilities across Cuba, including Campamento Internacional Julio Antonio Mella (CIJAM), Casa Memorial Salvador Allende, and Casa de la Amistad, which I have identified as alternative addresses of ICAP and are to be treated as sanctioned property.”

“I am also designating nine entities, including the ministry of construction of Cuba, that sustain the regime’s repressive apparatus through control of key economic sectors,” the US State Department press release August 20, 2026, added: “Today’s designations make clear that the Trump administration will not tolerate the Cuban regime’s efforts to fund its repression or continue its decades-long campaign of subversive anti-American activities.”

The Department’s actions are being taken pursuant to E.O. 14404, which authorises sweeping sanctions on Cuba, including against persons who support the Cuban regime’s security apparatus and those responsible for repression in Cuba and other threats to US national security. These actions also further both E.O. 14380, “Addressing Threats to the United States by the Government of Cuba,” and National Security Presidential Memorandum 5, which directs the Executive Branch to improve human rights, encourage the rule of law, foster free markets and free enterprise, and promote democracy in Cuba.